Orokaiva - Orientation
www.everyculture.com/Oceania/ Orokaiva-Orientation.
Identification.
"Orokaiva" is the name for a number of culturally similar tribes in
Papua New Guinea who speak mutually intelligible dialects. Although the tribes
did not have an inclusive name for themselves until "Orokaiva" was
introduced by Westerners, they generally distinguished among themselves as the
river people (umo-ke ), saltwater people (eva'embo ), and inland people
(periho).
Location. The
Orokaiva reside in the Oro Province of Papua New Guinea and are concentrated in
the Popondetta district in an area reaching from the coast at Buna Island to
the northern slopes of Mount Lamington and in the regions to the north of this
general line. This area is a humid tropical lowland, and uniformly high
temperatures and rainfall provide a year-round growing season. The wet season,
from December to March, is characterized by northeasterly or Northwesterly
winds, high temperatures and humidity, and late-afternoon thunderstorms, while
the dry season, from May to October, produces northeasterly winds, lower
temperatures, less cloud cover, and less-predictable rainfall.
Demography. The
indigenous population of the Popondetta district totals some 36,500, of whom
26,500 are Orokaiva in the central lowland area. The number of Orokaiva at the
time of Western contact is not known.
Linguistic Affiliation.
Orokaiva is classified in the Binandere (or Binandele) Family of eight
languages spoken in most of the more densely populated parts of Oro Province.
Orokaiva is spoken by about half of the population in the Orokaiva-Binandere
area. Dialect divisions within the Orokaiva language area are minor; the
boundaries of the area coincide with those of the region administered by the
Higaturu Local Government Council, which covers the Saiho and most of the
Sohe-Popondetta census divisions. While there are considerable vocabulary
differences between the Binandere Languages, there is a close resemblance in
grammar and enough similarity in vocabulary to make a limited degree of
communication possible.
History and Cultural
Relations
In
response to Australian pressure, the British government annexed Papua in 1888.
Gold was discovered shortly thereafter, resulting in a major movement of
prospectors and miners to what was then the Northern District. Relations with
the Papuans were bad from the start, and there were numerous killings on both
sides.
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Village elders often take lead in showcasing special events |
The Protectorate of British New Guinea became Australian territory by
the passing of the Papua Act of 1905 by the Commonwealth Government of
Australia. The new administration adopted a policy of Peaceful penetration, and
many measures of social and economic national development were introduced.
Local control was in the hands of village constables, paid servants of the
Crown. Chosen by European officers, they were intermediaries Between the
government and the people. In 1951 an eruption occurred on Mount Lamington,
completely devastating a large part of the area occupied by the Orokaiva. Survivors
were provided with food, medicine, and other relief by the government and were
maintained in evacuation camps. Large-scale, expertly planned social, economic,
and political development began in Papua around 1960 with the introduction of
cash crops, agricultural extension work, land title improvement, road
improvement, and educational development.
Settlements
Small
villages with populations not exceeding 720 are the typical units of
settlement, with houses dispersed in a more or less rectangular form around a
central earth or grass "square." Villages are in flat clearings where
the grass is scrupulously cut and kept free of rubbish. Houses are built by the
men, each house normally being occupied by one nuclear
family. Bachelors'
houses, of the same size and construction, are also built.
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Typical traditional houses in popondetta
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Economy
Subsistence and Commercial
Activities. The household is the basic unit of production and
consumption, with swidden horticulture as the subsistence base. The main crop
is taro, which occupies about 90 percent of the cultivated land. A variety of
other plants are grown as well, including bananas, sugarcane, edible pitpit,
and a few introduced cultigens such as pineapples, tomatoes, beans, and sweet
potatoes. Although the Orokaiva traditionally tended coconut, sago, betel-nut,
and a few other varieties of trees in gardens, Villages, and in the bush, their
arboriculture was rudimentary in comparison to their precise and detailed
attention to tubers, especially taro. In response to Australian pressure during
the colonial period, rubber, coffee, and coconut palms for copra have been
planted, providing the Orokaiva with a reliable and substantial cash income in
recent years. A good deal of plant and animal food is obtained by foraging,
especially in the tropical rain forest that covers most of the Northern
District. Foraged animal foods include grubs, frogs, snails, rats, and bush
eggs. Foraged plant foods are valued during the dry season, when roots, leaves,
and fern fronds make up part of a meal. Fish are an important resource, being
used not only for consumption but for trade. Hunting is less important; the
usual quarry consists of small marsupials, birds, and pigs. Pigs, dogs, and
fowl have been domesticated and each man has one or more small dogs that he
uses for hunting but that are ultimately destined for the pot. Fowl are a
useful source of meat, eggs, and feathers for decoration on headdresses,
spears, etc.
Industrial Arts.
Items produced include rafts and canoes, pottery, bark cloth (tapa) from the
paper mulberry, mats and baskets of coconut and pandanus leaves, wooden bowls, various
musical instruments, and weapons.
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Tapa cloth is the provincial artefact (mascot) of the province |
Trade.
Intertribal trade was mainly in animal products, betel-nut products, feathers,
and certain artifacts known to be of high quality in particular districts.
Although small in volume, trade was politically important in providing a motive
for terminating warlike disputes.
![](https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjCdAgn49OXix5J9d9aO26eyhXg7h46UbQW-k_bhLUdao0FePLchErqji4jini2NjktWVw6qOAkbOGpPXn5WuqZTJukddb8m_6iJsY05Xt6gizdKzSi0ic-DmmP3YeKS3bGcNLbbLdHyXQQ/s400/fpondo.jpg)
Land Tenure.
Various land rights may be given to the clan branch, the lineage, or an
individual, the relative significance of each varying with the locality and
population density. More than one descent group may have rights in a single
piece of land. In many instances, the clan branch functions as a reference
group, with all land being associated with it. However, it may also function as
a primary right-holding group for those hunting areas distinct from current
garden land, Typically the grasslands. Primary rights to garden land are
normally vested in the lineage. Nevertheless, all such land is ultimately
identifiable with individuals who may distribute land (and property) prior to
their death not only to their immediate family but also to more distant kin.
Traditional tree crops are not planted in stands or groups like cash-crop trees
but are widely scattered and are as likely to be planted on patrimonial land as
on the land of affines or matrilateral kin. Inheritance of rights to trees
usually does not bring rights to the land on which they stand.
Kinship
Kin Groupe and Descent.
Every Orokaiva is recruited by birth into the clan of his or her father. All
members of a clan claim, but cannot necessarily trace, common descent from a
usually eponymous ancestor. Each clan is subdivided into named subgroups or
lineages that trace their origin to a named ancestor.
Kinship Terminology.
Kinship terminology is of the Iroquois type.
Marriage and Family
Marriage.
Polygyny among the Orokaiva is accepted but very rare these days. Clan exogamy is preferred,
but not strictly enforced. Villages are not exogamous. A large bride-price is
required for arranged marriages, although in the past wives were also obtained
through capture. Postmarital residence is ideally patrilocal, but in practice
people have a wide choice between the villages of patrilateral or matrilateral
kin or of affines, and residence may be changed at any time. The distribution
of clan branches through a number of villages is closely related to access to
the group's land, hence the initial motivation for a long-term change in
residence may be influenced by proximity to land intended to be brought into
cultivation. Divorce is allowed, with custody of minor children going to the
father, except for infants.
Domestic Unit. The
basic domestic and economic unit is the household, composed of either a nuclear
or extended family.
Inheritance.
Inheritance is usually patrilineal.
Socialization.
Errant children are subject to discipline and especially to scolding. Education is
predominantly through a system of mission schools, partly financed by the
government's department of education. But the current government's policies on free education will greatly enhance the capabilities of the human resourcing in the province.
Sociopolitical Organization
Social Organization. The
social system is characterized by flexibility in arrangements for group
membership and for transmission of rights to land. A village normally contains
more than one clan branch and consequently is not necessarily a landholding
unit. Residents may have closer kinship ties to residents of other villages
than
with some of their coresidents. Nevertheless, common residence implies
some Community of interest and a degree of group solidarity that is reinforced
by government policy, which recognizes villages rather than descent groups as
functional entities. Marriages between members of different clan branches
within the village also reinforce this solidarity, which is expressed in ways
such as daily food gifts, cooperation in certain tasks, and joint ceremonial
activities. On the average, a lineage comprises three Households. Usually,
several clans are represented in a village, with members of a single clan (clan
branches) being scattered among a number of neighboring villages. Lineages are
more localized in character, frequently being confined to a single village and
tending to occupy one section of it.
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Locals always come with their traditional attires to celebrate important occasions |
Political Organization.
Political organization incorporates no central authority or hereditary
leadership. Instead, it is characterized by big-men (embo dambo) and an
ascendancy of
elders who have proved themselves equal to the task. Such men
command the respect of the village, based upon observed qualities of
generosity, diligence, wealth, ability to make wise decisions, and skill in
arranging ceremonial activities. This status confers no sanctioning authority,
however. The Orokaiva tribes, around twelve in number, are very loose units
politically and recognize no single leader. The largest unit is the tribe,
which has a common territory usually demarcated from neighboring tribal
territories by a belt of uninhabited land.
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Current local MP, Hon. Delilah Gore acknowledging her people at Sohe |
Social Control.
There are customary restrictions upon feuding within the tribe, which exist in
sharp contrast to the standard acceptance and formalization of hostility
between tribes. Formerly, official legal penalties, generally violent, were
meted out to criminals. Fear of the ancestors and desire to avoid unfavorable
public opinion remain the major mechanisms of social control.
Conflict.
Prior to European contact, aggression against the members of another tribe took
the form of organized, often cannibalistic raids.
Religion and Expressive
Culture
Religious
Believes. The traditional beliefs of the Orokaiva, though in many respects vague
and locally variable, focused primarily on the "spirits of the dead"
and their influence on the living. The Orokaiva had no high god. Formerly, they
were animists, believing in the existence of souls (asisi ) in Humans, plants,
and animals. The taro spirit was of particular importance and was the
inspiration and foundation of the Taro Cult. The Orokaiva have been swept
recently by a series of new cults, indicative of their religious adaptability
in the face of fresh experience. Mission influence is strong in the Northern
District. Religious training is provided almost exclusively by the Anglican
church, although mission influence has not totally eradicated traditional beliefs,
producing an air of mysticism about the resultant religious system. Currently the Seventh Day Adventist Church (SDA) is slowly becoming widespread.
Religious Practitioners.
Orokaiva shamans, or "taro men" serve as healers, weather magicians,
and sorcerers. But Christianity has now over rode these traditional (pagan) practices and has improved lives through health, education and social harmony.
Ceremonies.
Dances are held often, sometimes accompanied by music, singing, and drums. From
time to time, bigmen sponsor large redistributive feasts, featuring pig killings and food distribution. Activities associated with the taro cult (the
"Kava Keva" cult) are the major ritual activity. The Taro Cult began about
1915 and soon evolved into ritual practices meant to placate the spirits of the
dead (sovai ) who control the taro crop. Thus, it is both a fertility cult and
a cult of the dead. Taro men lead the ritual which includes choral singing,
drumming, feasting, and violent shaking movements.
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A traditional welcome dancing display |
Arts. The
Orokaiva decorate all manner of artifacts with abstract and representational
figures. They are especially fond of music and in the past produced wooden
drums and pipes, conch and wooden trumpets, and Jew's harps of bamboo.
Medicine.
Illness and misfortune are attributed to the spriits of the dead, to the actions
of sorcerers, or to natural causes such as an accident or the weather. Since
illness is generally seen as caused by a foreign element entering the body,
most cures used by curers (those who have sivo, or special power and knowledge)
are designed to extract the foreign element. These methods include producing
noxious odors, rubbing the affected area, and extracting a foreign object by
sucking.
Death and Afterlife. The
Orokaiva believe that upon death the human soul is released and becomes a
sovai. Initially, the sovai roam the village, but they ultimately depart to
special places of the dead, such as rock outcroppings and stagnant pools of
water. Sovai often chastise errant kin by bringing upon them misfortune,
illness, and even death. Death is appraised with particular realism, although
it is still considered to be ultimately the result of supernatural causes.
Bibliography
Keesing,
Felix M. (1952). "The Papuan Orokaiva vs. Mount Lamington: Cultural Shock
and Its Aftermath." Human Organization 11:16-22.
New
Guinea Research Unit (1966). Orokaiva Papers. New Guinea Research Bulletin no.
13. Canberra: Australian National University Press.
Oostermeyer,
W. J., and Joanne Gray, eds. (1967). Papuan Entrepreneurs. Canberra: Australian
National University, New Guinea Research Unit.
Schwimmer,
Erik G. (1973). Exchange in the Social Structure of the Orokaiva. New York: St.
Martin's Press.
Schwimmer,
Erik G. (1979). "Reciprocity and Structure: A Semiotic Analysis of Some
Orokaiva Exchange Data." Man 14:271-285.
Williams,
Francis Edgar (1930). Orokaiva Society. London: Oxford University Press.